Bringer Unleashed (Logan Bringer Series Book 2) Page 18

  A series of murmurs echoed throughout the room, both from the gallery behind me and among some of the politicians before me.

  “Request for clarification on this matter, Senator Conway,” Savage prompted.

  Conway stared at me and then scanned the gallery behind me. I looked at the array of military officials, who each shook their heads in negative fashion. The CIA and Homeland Security contingents likewise followed suit.

  A wry expression formed on Conway’s face. “Mr. Bringer, you appear to be the only telekinetic resource that we have available at the moment.”

  “Really?” I asked. In truth, it really didn’t surprise me. “That’s damned inconvenient.”

  “Well, Mr. Bringer,” said Conway said. “Given this latest piece of information, what do you suggest we do?”

  “Me? I’d recommend you bring this session to a quick close so that I can get my ass back out there to fight who-knows-what.”

  An uncomfortable silence followed and Sanders nudged my ankle. By contrast, Paul covered his mouth with his palm to disguise his rapidly growing smile.

  “Mr. Bringer, are you trying to be flippant about this?” he asked.

  I gave him the hardest look that I could muster.

  “No, Senator, I’m just trying to make the best out of a bad situation,” I replied.

  “I see,” he said. “Well, we’re all trying to do that right at the moment. Do either of you have any final information that you’d like to share with us?”

  “Yes, I do,” Sanders replied. “Senator, lately, there seems to be a host of competing interests working various angles on the national response to this crisis. It would be helpful if more inter-agency cooperation and intelligence sharing took place.”

  “We’ll take that under consideration, Agent Sanders,” Conway said.

  “Senator Conway?” I asked, leaning forward in my seat toward the microphone.

  “Yes, Mr. Bringer, you have something to add?”

  “Yes, I do,” I said. “My team and I fully intend to stop these terrorists, but whoever isn’t part of that solution is going to find that they’re part of the problem, and they’ll be dealt with accordingly.”

  “Ah, well, thank you for sharing your candid views with us today, Mr. Bringer and Agent Sanders,” Conway said. “This session is hereby adjourned.”

  Sanders and I rose from our seats and turned toward Tevin and Wainright.

  “Well, Sanders, not exactly a resounding amen to your recommendation, was it?” I asked.

  “Hardly,” she replied.

  “Conway and his cronies appear to hold all of the cards,” Tevin said. “Sounds like business as usual, I’m afraid.”

  “Then maybe it’s time for us to give somebody else the business end, isn’t it?” I asked.

  * * *

  My first appearance before Congress wasn’t my finest moment, but at least I had survived it without suffering any contempt charges.

  Nevertheless, it was an event that scarcely furthered the progress of our investigation. In fact, it might have merely obscured it.

  We were getting nowhere fast.

  For days, Sanders and I operated out of Wainright’s offices at the FBI’s Washington, D.C. bureau. We met numerous times with both Wainright and Tevin, as well as consulted via video conference with our team back in Nevis Corners.

  In the week that followed the hearing, the news cycles were ablaze with the political ramifications of the telekinetic threat, including the public outcry demanding a viable government response.

  Voters didn’t tolerate feeling scared or threatened.

  The problem was that, when people feel cornered they often resort to desperate, and sometimes stupid, acts that they later regret.

  That is, if they lived to.

  The Freedom Party was playing everything to the hilt, capitalizing on people’s heated emotions, particularly their fears. Senators Conway, Savage, and Pennyroot appeared on camera or in print seemingly everywhere. They were aided in the House by Representatives Fred Rubicon of Wisconsin and Charity Vandersnoot, both key leaders in the Freedom Party.

  Then there was President Beau Graydon himself. For a full week, he invited key Freedom Party members to the White House almost daily, hosting them for tactical meetings and social gatherings.

  I was never one to follow politics, but after what I heard—and the few thoughts I overheard—from Conway and Savage during the hearing, I began paying closer attention.

  “Those Freedom Partiers know a helluva lot more than they’re saying,” I said, watching the latest news coverage on a nearby television.

  “Given how much they’ve already been saying, that’s a pretty scary prospect,” Sanders said while typing on her notebook computer. “Can’t you turn that off for a little while, Bringer? I’m getting tired of seeing their faces every time I look up. Even variety shows aren’t safe anymore. Representative Vandersnoot was on The Late Show just last night.”

  I muted the TV and looked at Sanders. “The Late Show? Why?”

  “She was voted the most popular woman in politics in a recent online survey, so they wanted to interview her,” she replied. “But even that benign appearance turned to the topic of the latest Freedom Party initiative that Savage spoke of during our hearing. Here, I’ll show you.”

  She typed on the keyboard and then swiveled the screen so that I could see it. It was an Internet-based video clip from The Late Show.

  “…be willing to share with us a little more about why you think the country should stop being afraid of terrorist threats and instead have a big pep rally?” host Tom Mayers asked, to which the audience laughed.

  Vandersnoot smiled with alarming ease. “Well, Tom, I’m encouraging Americans to rally behind PEP, not have a pep rally.”

  “Aww, I love a good pep rally,” he said. “So, what are you referring to, then?”

  “I’m talking about the Patriots Enhancement Program that my colleagues and I are launching,” she said. “It’s a rapid-reaction effort to arm the country against the recent telekinetic threats.”

  “And what does that involve?” he asked.

  “Select federal agencies will combine their efforts in conjunction with key government contractors to develop and quickly activate telekinetic defense forces to protect our nation,” she said.

  “It sounds bold,” he said. “But why do you believe this is the best solution? I mean, where’s the public mandate to create even more people with telekinetic abilities?”

  “Oh, Tom, I believe that there’s an inherent mandate, bestowed upon us as God’s faithful servants. We’re a nation founded on sound Christian principles, you may recall,” she said. “Like those brave settlers of our cherished past, it is the Manifest Destiny of our nation to harness our faith, embrace courage, and return our country to a place of prominence and leadership. Once we flourish, we can then help the rest of the world. It’s the Christian thing to do, really.”

  The video ended and I looked up at Sanders. “What the hell was that all about? I’m pretty sure she just said to support PEP because it’s the Christian thing to do.”

  “Faith plays well as a motivator for conservative supporters in the country, Bringer,” she replied.

  “And people are actually supposed to buy into that half-assed explanation?” I asked.

  Sanders shrugged. “She’s pushing all the right buttons for her political demographic.”

  “Holy crap,” I said.

  “Don’t let her hear you say that,” she said with a smirk.

  I gave Sanders my least impressed-looking expression. “Vandersnoot be damned. She, Conway, and all those others are into something that we need to look into further.”

  “Yeah, I’ve been thinking the same thing, really,” she said. “Not an easy thing to do with all of the attention focused upon them, especially for us here in the FBI. We’d barely open a case file before the news got wind of it.”

  “Not if we keep it between just a few of us,”
I said.

  Sanders’ eyes widened and she pointed at the TV.

  “What?” I asked.

  “Quick, turn up the volume again!”

  I fumbled with the remote even as I focused on the headline flashing on the screen.

  “…just coming in that Senator Benjamin Conway has been kidnapped from his home here in Washington, D.C. You’re watching live helicopter coverage of the senator’s property,” said the newscaster.

  I heard a host of telephones begin ringing, even as Wainright burst into our office.

  “Conway’s just been—”

  “Yeah, kidnapped,” I interrupted. “You got scooped by the news already.”

  Chapter 20

  “How did the news know before we did?” Wainright frowned as he watched the TV screen.

  “Bringer, I think we just found our opening to investigate Conway,” Sanders said.

  “Investigate Conway? Why?” demanded Wainright.

  “Because he just got kidnapped,” I said.

  Wainright gave me a dirty look, but I responded with an innocent one and pointed at the TV.

  Within half an hour, Sanders, Wainright, and I sat in a crowded conference room with four other federal offices taking part via video conference, including Deputy Director Tevin and some of his team.

  “What do we know so far?” Wainright asked. “Sound off, people. This is no time to be shy.”

  “Sanchez, sir. Based upon the latest data, we’re less than three hours out from the abduction,” said one agent. “The senator’s estate video surveillance system went offline at that time. Aside from on-site security, only the senator was on the premises.”

  “What kind of security? Any causalities?” Wainright asked.

  “Templeton here, sir,” prompted a female agent while raising her hand. “Hammer and Company is the private security firm contracted to protect the grounds. There was a detail of four armed guards onsite; each was rendered unconscious, though not seriously injured, and no shots were fired. It was clean and fast, suggesting that whoever did it were professionals or maybe ex-military.”

  “Any eyewitnesses?” asked Tevin.

  “Gibbons, here. None to the actual abduction that we know of,” said another agent. “Though one witness, a lady who lives nearby, claims to have seen a non-descript black van traveling in the area within the time period the abduction likely took place.”

  “Is that all she recalled?” asked Tevin.

  “She said she couldn’t recall the exact time, but a television program she watched soon afterward places it around the time of the abduction, though we don’t know if it was before or afterward. The direction she recalled the vehicle traveling suggests it was afterward.”

  “What caused her to recall that vehicle in particular, Gibbons?” Sanders asked.

  “She said it looked like a contractor’s vehicle, but there were no business markings on it,” Gibbons replied.

  “Did she recall at least a partial on the tag, Gibbons?” Wainright asked.

  “No,” Gibbons replied. “She merely thought the vehicle seemed out of place, nothing more.”

  “What about video surveillance from the area? Any traffic coverage?” Wainright asked.

  Another agent raised his hand.

  Wainright pointed at him. “Trent, what have you got?”

  “Local law enforcement is still actively working with us to review municipal and private video footage,” he replied.

  “Mm,” Wainright replied. “Put additional sets of eyes on that, if needed.”

  “Yes, sir,” Trent replied.

  “Have any demands been made yet?” Sanders asked. She scanned the faces in the room and looked up at the monitors, which displayed faces from the remote sites.

  Silence.

  “Who would want the Senator?” I asked. “Could it stem from something personal? Maybe a political rival?”

  “We’re still looking into that, as well,” replied Templeton. “Though, preliminarily, neither the senator’s staff nor family can think of anyone they would immediately hold responsible. There’s no strong evidence of any recent threats against the senator, merely the usual politically-charged hate mail from a few members of the public.”

  “I’m surprised there’s not something more there,” Tevin said.

  “According to his aides, he was receiving pressure from some liberal groups opposing the Freedom Party or its latest efforts over the Patriots Enhancement Program. However, we’re actively following up on each of those, with assistance from local law enforcement within the various jurisdictions,” replied Templeton.

  “So, we’re looking for an elite band of military-trained, left-wing liberals pulling off a precision-based abduction of a conservative U.S. senator?” I asked. “Seriously?”

  “Nobody’s suggesting that, Bringer,” Sanders said. “We’re just covering our bases. This is what actual criminology professionals who can’t throw fireballs do when you’re not around.”

  “In my opinion, you can get a lot of practical use out of a well-placed fireball,” I murmured.

  “Bringer might actually be onto something there,” Tevin said.

  “You’ve got to be kidding,” Sanders said.

  “See?” I asked. “Fireballs are handy.”

  Sanders gave me a flat look.

  “Not fireballs, per say,” Tevin said. “The senator’s abduction is a fiery political development.”

  “Naturally, but in what way are you spinning it, Tevin?” Wainright asked.

  “Think about it. Right now, the last thing the FBI needs is to lose a senator on your watch, particularly one so close to the President,” Tevin replied.

  “Yeah, we’re already on the outs with the administration, not to mention being left out of key intelligence-sharing and funding opportunities under the current crisis,” Sanders offered. “The Bureau is hamstrung in the worst sort of way.”

  Wainright looked at Sanders. “If that were true, Conway’s abduction could be politically motivated after all,” he said. “But that’s a lot of effort to go to just to embarrass us.”

  “It’s only one theory until there are definable suspects,” Tevin said. “No matter the motivation, it’s more important that we secure the senator’s safe release.”

  “Anything else?” Wainright asked. “Let’s get back to it, then. Keep me informed if anything develops.”

  Sanders and I held back with Wainright until everyone had exited the room. One by one, the remote sites signed off, except for Tevin and Agent Denton.

  “Conway’s safety aside, we might still be in the wringer over this if we don’t get Conway back safely,” Wainright said. “The administration will lay the blame on the FBI’s apparent incompetence while the public outcry will further the Freedom Party’s agenda.”

  “Don’t forget, the NSA has a hand in this, as well,” Tevin prompted. “This is a TASIT team operation.”

  “So, you’re already thinking that this event is a political stunt?” I asked.

  “I don’t know,” Wainright conceded. “But I’ve been in administrative levels of the federal government long enough to be a cynic.”

  “You’re only cynical if it’s not true,” Tevin said with a wry expression.

  “Frankly, both of you gentlemen unsettle me sometimes,” Denton said, leaning forward.

  “Mark, you’ll have access to all of the NSA resources I can muster,” Tevin said. “This is still a TASIT team project as far as I’m concerned.”

  “Thanks, Bob,” Wainright said. He ran his fingers through his thinning hair.

  There was a knock on the conference room door.

  “Come in,” Wainright said.

  One of the agents from the meeting poked his head inside.

  “Sir, Director Tyrone is on the phone for you.”

  Wainright nodded. “I’ll be right there.”

  “I’m betting your boss isn’t making a social call,” Tevin said.

  “Nope,” said Wainright
. “That’s one thing I’m sure of.”

  “Sounds like the political wrangling has begun,” I said.

  Wainright took a deep breath, slowly exhaled, and nodded. “Yep.”

  I hated to think it, but better him than me.

  * * *

  Despite Conway’s abduction, the Freedom Party moved forward an event planned to rally public and conservative political support around their PEP initiative. They had scheduled it for the Horizon Center two days hence, a venue that supported over 20,000 visitors. The event had originally been orchestrated by Senator Conway as a gathering point for national, state, and local conservative politicians, including numerous prominent financial donors, to further extol the merits of the PEP initiative. Now, the public was encouraged to attend, as well.

  The press ran coverage of the senator’s abduction around the clock. Conservative channels suggested an association between his abduction and the senator’s championing of the PEP initiative.

  “Surely, terrorists must be to blame,” Senator Pennyroot said during a guest appearance on one news program. “This is an attack at the very heart of our public leadership, but we won’t be intimidated by thugs. The rally will move forward, as I’m sure Senator Conway would want. Only now this rally is about more than the PEP program. It’s about support for Senator Conway as we remain hopeful for his safe return.”

  Even President Graydon issued a brief public statement from the White House Press Briefing Room.

  “Senator Conway’s abduction is a tragic event. One of this nation’s great leaders has been taken from us,” Graydon said. “I shall marshal all of the powers available to my office, including mobilizing key government agencies, to secure Senator Conway’s safe release and ensure that the perpetrators are swiftly brought to justice.”

  Yeah, no pressure on us there.

  A couple of hours following our latest status meeting, we received our first major break in the case.

  Sanders and I hurried into Wainright’s office.

  “One of our system techs, Ms. Lee, has some key leads,” Wainright said.